Author: Kumool Abbi (abbikumool@gmail.com)
Professor at Punjab University, Chandigarh
The participation of women in the farmers’ agitation had added a unique dimension to the movement. The statistics have shown that women have been actively participating in the agitation and have become the symbolic face of the protest. The agitation brought out the invisibility of the female agricultural force. As has been well-documented previously by many studies on agrarian change in Punjab, women farmers were pushed to the margins as a consequence of the green revolution, making agriculture in Punjab a completely male domain. The Punjabi women have borne the brunt of the collapse of the agrarian dream. It is the women who had to pay the price as the prosperous world of their men crumbled before them. This decimation has been reflected in terms of the diminishing returns from agriculture, seen in the gradual erosion of the Jat Sikh identity and their bargaining power. The rampant trends of farmer suicides, drug addiction and the economy of loss sees a reversal in the role of the male or masculine self, which has been eroded. It was for these women to pick up the shreds to battle for survival, to motivate their men to attempt to safeguard the future of their children. It is this intensity which has given them a leading role in the agitation. Rupinder Kaur, general secretary of the Tarn Taran unit of Punjab Istri Sabha, a wing of the CPI-affiliated National Federation of Indian Women elaborates, “From domestic abuse to unemployment to living debt-ridden lives, there was a deep sense of despair among women. The boiling point came with the pandemic and the farmers’ movement gave them a chance to channel their anger and take the lead” (The Tribune Feb. 28, 2021). What has motivated them to stay determined despite so many difficulties?
41 year-old Harinder Bindu, in-charge of the women’s cell of BKU-Ugrahan has an answer: “If something happens in the family, a female is the first victim. She is the one who is forced to sell jewelry, cut kitchen expenses, or make several other compromises to clear debts. Even landers force men to mortgage wives,” jewelry or other household valuables first. This awakening that the farm bill will mount financial challenges and plunge the future of the entire family was a great motivation factor that drove women to join this movement” (www.newsclik.in 02, Jan.2021). Gurpreet Kaur, a young 22 year-old protester from Baras village in Patiala district—who has been the catalyst in bringing over 200 women from her block—says that women protestors are well aware that the three laws will affect them more. “The first impact of low earnings will be on the women’s kitchens,” she said. Gurpreet said that there are families that have meager landholdings. “If they don’t get MSP for their produce and force them to enter into an agreement with corporate firms, women will also be forced to work as bonded laborers in their own fields,” she said (www.newsclik.in 02, Jan. 2021). Says social activist Navkiran: “This central idea of this entire peasant movement is to fight for the protection of the land. In a patriarchal society like ours, the land is always associated with men. But when women say that this protest is a fight for their existence too, they are also trying to claim their rightful space in this society, which I believe is the most striking beauty of this protest, which in times to come will change deep-rooted gender prejudices of our society” (www.newsclick.in Jan. 2, 2021).
OXFAM studies indicate that “nearly 75% of the full-time workers on Indian farms are women,” producing “60% to 80% “of India’s food. (The print.in 13 March 2021). According to estimates “in a given crop season, when fields are sown and harvested, women farmers in India work about 3,300 hours, double the 1,860 hours their male counterparts put into farming.” Unfortunately, this work is largely invisible, undervalued and unevaluated. As the Oxfam study further states “Indian women own just 12.8% of the country’s land. One third of female farmers in India are unpaid laborers on family farms owned by their parents, husbands or in-laws” (The Print.in March 13, 2021). Woman farm activist Harinder Kaur says “though women take more pains than male farmers in most of the chores associated with farming yet they lag behind in getting recognized as farmers and many a time fail to get any benefits as basically they are not shown as farmers in official documentation. The women farmers need to assert their role in farming and need to come forward in getting the benefits reserved for farmers” (Times of India, 15, Oct. 2020).
Due to the gender biased inheritance laws, this process of marginalization goes on “for generation after generation, [women] never owning the land they work, or even their own homes” (The print.in March 21, 2021). The women farmers are further hedged in by issues of “gender inequality, financial disparity, they are disadvantageous in getting benefits of technology in agriculture and in many cases deprived the rights of getting education” (Times of India, Oct. 15, 2020).
A detailed description by some of them highlights the complexity of the crisis. For woman farmer, 50 year-old Gurmail Kaur, “the rural women face discrimination at many levels. They are not involved in the financial matters pertaining to bank accounts, loans etc. but they are more used for supporting the farming and farmers all the ways. They are asked to take care of cattle or other allied works but made to face inequality.” This point is further endorsed by another women farmer Mohinder Kaur who says, “even though we contribute no less than the male farmers but patriarchy always comes in the way. Our day starts well before 4 AM and goes on till the male members do not go to sleep and in between we remain stuck in Agriculture related chores but have no say in decision making in the family” (Times of India Oct. 15, 2020).
Female protestors affiliated to Bhartiya Kisan Union (BKU) Ekta-Ugrahan, BKU Dhakunda, Kirti Kisan Union, Punjab Kisan Manch and a couple of other unions, form a large part of groups at Tikri border while their presence is equally noticeable at Singhu border, Gazipur, and the Delhi Agra-Palwal borders as well. Many women have come here from Uttar Pradesh, Uttarakhand and other states (Theleaflet.in Jan. 2, 2021).
BKU Ugrahan General secretary Sukhdev Singh Kokrikalan, explains how gradually the women were sucked into the vortex of the movement. He says, “we had around 500 women’s units across 13 districts in the state before the beginning of this ongoing protests as our organization was more active in the 13 districts of the state. But now we have around 1600 units as nearly 1100 units have been formed by our organization during the protests…we have almost covered 11 districts of Malwa region and apart from that we are now covering Jalandhar and Kapurthala in Doaba region, Amritsar, Taran Taran and Gurdaspur dist of Majha Region” (Indian Express April 4, 2021). Similarly, Baljinder Singh press secretary of Punjab Kissan Mazdoor Sangharsh Samiti also discussed the increase in women’s units: “We are forming these units at both village and zone level as under one zone we cover around 30 villages and over 1000 units have been formed by our organization in 10 districts of the state: Ferozpur 9, Taran Taran 12, Amritsar 14” (Indian Express April 4, 2021). Harjinder Bindu added “that ever since the protest began in Punjab, they have engaged as many as 40,000 women with the stir, which is a significant number given that women till recently were hardly seen in protests” (www.the leaflet.in Jan. 2, 2021). Writer Amandeep Sandhu, who has been closely observing the farmers’ protest, said: “It was an extraordinary sight that was not seen at previous peasantry protests. Here women had taken up leadership roles, were managing the show, delivering speeches, occupying front rows and mouthing anti-government slogans.” While Sandhu believed that this remarkable gender awakening would have far-reaching consequences in terms of enlarging public movements and strengthening participatory democracy, this time the women certainly set high standards of courage and perseverance (News Click Jan. 2, 2021). For veteran activist Jasbir Kaur, “the plight of women in an agrarian society is often ignored despite their vital role in farm and cattle management. This protest is a true sense that gave them space to voice their concerns” (www.newsclick.com Jan. 2, 2021).
The popular songs are full of snapshots of women agitationists. While in the beginning the presence was largely symbolic it came on its own on International Women’s Day on March 8th, 2021 with the popular rendition of Mainu Rang de Basanti Chuniya (Color My Chunni Yellow). This politically significant song attenuates women’s involvement with the farmers movement. It is a rendition of Ram Prasad Bismil’s popular iconic song on the freedom struggle associated with Bhagat Singh’s Mere Rang de Basanti Chola. The song sung by Rajeshwari and Smridhi is written by Sarabjot Singh Behl for whom the song “describes the role of women and their determination to take on the government. It is like a part of folklore and people get attached to folklore instantly” (Times of India March 21, 2021).
Punjabi
Mainu rang de basanti chuniyan
Mai rang de basanti chunian
Ghund chuk ke ghulami nu thuk ke
Main ravan na lukai kolon ruk ke
Der hundi na salami hun jhuk ke
Jaave turai na mere tu ruk ruk ke
Navin main te navin meri duniya
Rang de basanti chunia
Dake bhan ke saare modke
Sang wali sangli nu tod ke
Rodyian nu Ravi vich rod ke
Tu kala nahin vi hun hundi haan
Mode naal moda jod ke
Aas rakhi hai na banere baithe kavan te
Buha tap ki tur pai rahan te
Khab ud gaye saadiyan bawan te
Udaari apni ucchian hawavan te
English Translation
Mother color my chunni saffron
I have taken off my veil of servitude
I have come out openly
It is difficult to accept obedience
It’s a new me and new is my world
Breaking little pieces of wood
Breaking the chain of servitude
Threw out mounds of garbage into the Ravi
You are not alone I am with you
walking shoulder to shoulder
Don’t expect too much from the crow
Crossed the threshold and moved on my path
Now even we have begun to dream
Flying high with the flow of the breeze
Kanwar Grewal”s Parvaz too attempted to break traditional patriarchal stereotypes.
Punjabi
Assin kurie haan assin chidya nahin
Assin baaj kahavan Jan.dian ne
Pairan di jutti nahin banana
Sir bhag ghuavan Jan.dian ne
Assin huyian mard de haan diyan
Assin taras de pattar nahin banana
Asin haqan khatir lai ladna
Haq vadhia put val nahin jharna
Vadd vadd tote nahin karna
Assin Dhiyan pita dashmesh diyan
Talwar chalana jaandian
Assin hoyan mard de haan diyan
Bus karo hun fankaro
Sahiba da mehna na maro
Ghara kaccha soni da taro
Sardi sassi di tharo
Assin mard di phobhi hainkan da
Har baat ukharan
Jaandian ne.
English Translation
We are girls and not little birds
We can be like eagles
We don’t want to be the dust under the shoes
We can write our own destiny
We have become equal to men
We don’t want to become objects of pity
We will fight for our rights
We our daughters of father Dashmesh
We know how to wield the sword
…stop it you artists
Stop being sarcastic about Sahibaan
Don’t mention the unbaked pot of Sohni
The winter of Sassi
We can face the men’s false pride
And can give it back to him…
This was also followed by active self-expression in the form of the women’s magazine Kairi Dharti, the celebration of women kisan divas and women’s parliament in July 2021.
However, this picture is in sharp contrast to the political participation of women in the Punjab elections. It is a bit ironic to think that those who were so articulate about politics and politicians have suddenly lost all interest in both and returned to the confines of the domestic space.
During the agitation, many women activists felt that a change was just around the corner. In Talwandi Sabo, Rupinder Kaur, who has worked on women’s issues in Punjab, was convinced that the change was coming. “This agitation is a game-changer about how women are perceived. Once back, nobody should expect to see the same timid, quiet women in their homes. Women will no longer be dummy sarpanches and will learn to question everything after having experienced the outside world and tasting liberation. Change is on its way and the first indication is that the men have begun to see their women and their work with respect,” she maintains (The Tribune Feb. 21, 2021).
Similarly, for Barnala”s Manveer Rahi, an advocate closely associated with the Lakhowal Farmers’ Union, “This is the change all of us were waiting for. Our girls who come back from protest sites will never be the same again. Once this agitation is over, these women will know no rest. They will take up other issues and forge ahead,” she insists, adamant that the four walls of the houses will no longer hold the spirits ignited by this agitation (The Tribune Feb. 21, 2021). Theatre director Kewal Dhaliwal hopes this build-up will not go in vain. He is hopeful it will flow in the blood of the young ones, who will become harbingers of change. “Once the ball has been set rolling, there is no stopping it. How far it goes will depend on how the young carry it and take it forward,” he observes (The Tribune Feb. 21, 2021).
Spurring stories of women at the borders in Karti Dharti, Sangeet Toor also exudes hope. She states “the agitation has given value to the household chores which, so far, did not count. The arrival of women on the scene of the agitation underlined their discipline and commitment to whatever they were assigned and brought them together with the men in the same political and social space. All these are indications of change that is bound to happen” (The Tribune Feb. 21, 2021).
The hollowness of these claims become apparent as we see the Punjabi women’s participation in the recently concluded Vidhan Sabha elections. Punjab has a total of 2.77 crore voters out of which 1.46 crore are men and 1.31 crore are women, approximately 45% of the electorate (India Today Feb. 3, 2022). While “Punjab has 117 Assembly seats, for which 1,304 candidates have filed nominations. Standing out in this list is the low number of women. In all, there are 93 women candidates. The mainstream parties have fielded 37, smaller parties 28, while 29 are fighting as independents” (New Indian Express Feb. 14, 2022). An apparent hesitancy is palpable among political parties in giving seats to women. A detailed break up shows that the Congress has fielded 11 women, AAP has given tickets to 12 women, the BJP-PLC-SAD (Sanyukt) alliance gave tickets to eight and the SAD-BSP alliance to just five. In sharp contrast to the promise of 33% reservation to women, despite focusing on women in UP “the Congress has given tickets to only 9.40 per cent of them. AAP has, however, given tickets to 10.25 per cent of women. The BJP- PLC-SAD(S) alliance to just 6.83 per cent women and the Akali Dal-BSP alliance has only fielded five women (4.27 per cent)” (India Today Feb. 3, 2022; Indian Express Jan. 29, 2022). The Congress, which has launched a high-profile campaign in UP revolving around women—even promising to set aside 40% of its tickets for them—has announced tickets on 109 seats in Punjab, of which the party has given only 11 (10% of total seats) to women” (Indian Express Jan. 29, 2022). This meager participation is linked to an identification of men with politics and power in North India and a persistence of the belief that “most families affluent or new to politics men are the preferred choice of public life. Women of the family are either covering candidates or campaign for male candidates” (News 18, Feb.11, 2022).
An interesting trend which is palpable is that “due to lack of support from families women interested in contesting elections are forced to run as independent candidates” (Times Of India Feb. 11, 2022). During the 2017 election, 80 contestants out of 1,126 (7.10%) were women, of which 32 (40%) had stood as independents while during the 2012 election, out of the 1049 in the poll fray, 83 (7.91%) were women and 37 (44.57%) fought as independents. For the 2022 elections, Congress has fielded 11, AAP 12, SAD 5, BJP 5, and BSP 2 candidates (News 18). Out of 1304 candidates for 117 seats, 93 are women accounting for 7.13% of total candidates. While during the 2017 elections only 7.10% candidates were women. The Congress fielded 11 candidates 9, SAD 5 and BJP 2 (News 18 Feb. 11, 2022). Besides 29 standing as independents, another 28 have been given tickets by smaller parties like SSM 4, Bahu Jan Mukt Party 4, Samajik Sangharsh Party 3, Punjab National Party 3, SAD (Amritsar) 3 female candidates, Jai Jawan Kisan Party 2 and Insaniyat Lok Vikas Party 2 each (Times Of India Feb. 11, 2022).
On the skewed gender representation in the party’s candidates, Sunil Jakhar, senior Congress leader and poll campaign committee chief in Punjab, said, “I can only say that nobody has been denied a ticket because of their gender. The problem is that you have to nurture them prior to elections. It is not something that happens overnight. Priyanka-ji was there [in Uttar Pradesh]. She worked on the ground to bring women aspirants up. In Punjab, the process has started and I think it will take a while for them to establish themselves in the political arena. In coming times, we can expect more women claiming their rightful place in politics” (Indian Express Jan. 29, 2022). Among the AAP women candidates are two sitting MLAs Baljinder Kaur (Talwandi Sabo) and Saravjit Kaur Manuke (Jagraon-SC); singer-turned-politician Anmol Gagan Maan (Kharar); and Jeevanjot Kaur, who has been fielded from the high-profile Amritsar East seat.
Inderjit Kaur Maan of AAP, who is contesting from Nakodar, is confident that the future is bright for women in politics. “Women are coming forward and in future, more of them will join politics. The traditional parties discouraged them, but now they are coming forward. We do not want 33% reservation. We will fight and win our place to reach the 50% mark.”
Karan Kaur Brar of Congress, who is contesting from Muktsar, believes women have a better future as well. “Political parties should field more women as issues of women are not properly raised in the Assembly or Parliament and we get neglected. ‘While, Aam Aadmi Party’s Kharar nominee Anmol Gagan Maan was convinced that AAP has fielded the highest number of women in Punjab as compared to any other party.’ We have given due representation to women. Sarvjeet Manuke was made the deputy leader of the AAP legislature party. Most of the leaders who are in the fray are home-grown” (India Today Feb. 3, 2022).
Paramjit Kaur Gulshan, the candidate from PLC alliance in Jaitu (SC,) agrees that women perform better: “Women in general perform their familial duties better, make sure their children are well educated and so on,” she says. She advocates the reservation of women in the legislature for “if there were no reservation for SC candidates parties won’t give tickets to SC candidates either.However she is critical of freebies and poll promises to women. I consider it as an insult to women. It is aimed at buying women’s vote and women too will have to understand this. All promises are being made to women above 18 years of age that is to women who can vote it is not aimed at social welfare” (News 18, Feb. 11, 2022). Veteran politician Laxmi Kanta Chawla explained how women were not able to break the political glass ceiling: “First, there is not much space for women in political parties. Men are thought to be more dominant in politics because they can win elections for their parties using money and muscle power.” Secondly, Chawla explained, “women’s families do not encourage their participation in politics. We have female reservations in local bodies and panchayat-level governments. But how many elected women are allowed to work independently by their husbands?” (The Wire). For Chawla a change would take place only if political parties “encourage female participation and make the space for change themselves.” She does not “see it coming in any of the mainstream parties, including the BJP. Wherever females have made political space, it is either because their husbands or fathers were in politics or they were already established in other careers. One will find very few cases where ordinary females rose from the ground and became MLAs or MPs. This is a failure of the political system in India,” she added (The Wire Feb. 3, 2022).
Among the 11 women candidates fielded by the party are former chief minister Rajinder Kaur Bhattal (Lehra constituency); two sitting Cabinet ministers Aruna Chaudhary (Dinanagar-SC) and Razia Sultana (Malerkotla); sitting MLA Rupinder Kaur Ruby (Malout-SC) who won in 2017 on an AAP ticket and is now with the Congress; and debutant Malvika Sood (Moga), the sister of actor Sonu Sood. (Indian Express Jan. 29, 2022). AAP candidate Narinder Kaur Bharaj who is fighting a battle against Vijayndra Singla in Sangrur “feels the political setup does not give space to women. It is a struggle against patriarchy …Most women candidates come from political families. They did not have to struggle” (News 18, Feb. 11, 2022)
While Amandeep Kaur SSM candidate Bassi Pathania too feels “that women have to face a lot of difficulties families don’t support them social structure is such that women cannot think of joining politics” (News 18, Feb. 11, 2022).
The irony is that despite their strength, “women are only being welcomed as voters and not as politicians or MLAs” (India Today Feb. 3, 2022). The SAD was the first off the blocks when its chief, Sukhbir Singh Badal, announced Rs 2,000 per month to every woman at the head of BPL families with “blue ration cards” if the SAD-BSP alliance is voted to power in the state (Indian Express, Jan. 29, 2022). Meanwhile, CM Charanjit Singh Channi made the announcement that 8 gas cylinders would be given free of cost every year if the Congress government is formed. He also promised to give Rs 1,100 per month to needy women (ABP News Feb. 13, 2022). While Navjot Sidhu promised 2000 rupees. The AAP has also promised 1000 rupees to every woman above 18 years of age (New Indian Express Feb. 14, 2022).
This retreat of the visibly active women in the elections is also reflected in the overall voter turnout which fell from 77.4% to 71.95%. The decline in female turnout took place from 78.6% in 2017 to 71.19% in 2022 a deficit of nearly 0.08% (Times of India March 6, 2022).
These figures raise doubts and create apprehensions about the liminality of women’s activism and awareness during the farmers’ protest. Scholars on women studies in Punjab “have mixed feelings to this development. Though I am convinced that political and other organizations will focus on tapping women power to their advantage, I am not too sure if this change will translate into anything significant within the households. The agitation has had a positive impact on the way women are being seen but how long this will last is the big question since patriarchy is deep-rooted in our psyche.” Similarly, some feel it is too early to celebrate. “Those looking at this movement as a cultural revolution may just be too optimistic. If you see the songs that came out during the agitation, the women, subjected to taunts in Punjabi songs, were replaced with Delhi but the essence remained unchanged. I can”t say about the men but there is a possibility of a slight change in the thinking of women who have been a part of the agitation. Again, how long this will last is anybody’s guess” (The Tribune Feb. 21, 2021).
Indeed, while the political parties compartmentalized women bunching them with the male members of the families, the media and the poll campaign completely ignored the women voters whom they were celebrating just a few months ago. Perhaps in this election women have been conspicuous by their absence. This once again reinforces the fact that Punjab is largely a patriarchal state. Women have to battle against multiple patriarchies, perpetuated at various levels to make their significant presence felt in a male dominated socio-cultural and political milieu.
Postscript
Very encouraging to see that Jeewanjot Kaur has triumphed over Navjot Singh Sidhu and Bikram Singh Majithia in Amritsar East, encouraging trend. Change is gradual but evident.
