Role of Sikh Memory in Farmers’ Protest in India 2020-21: A Study

Author: Dr. Navdeep Kaur (navdeepsihra@gmail.com)

Assistant Professor of English

Department of English, Cultural Studies and foreign Languages

GSSDGS Khalsa College Patiala (Punjab) India

The above picture was published in The Print on 28^th November 2020 when farmers had reached the borders of Delhi by breaking barricades in Haryana to protest against the three farming Bills. It shows Indian Prime Minister Narinder Modi and the Home Minister Amit Shah on the left side, and farmers on the right. What made me curious about the picture is that the confrontation is shown essentially between Sikhs and the Central Government. My article is an attempt to understand this confrontation through the role of Sikh memory in the protest. 

There is no doubt that Indian Farmers’ Protest began as Punjab Farmers’ protest in July 2020 against three farming bills—the Farmers’ Produce Trade and Commerce (Promotion and Facilitation) Bill 2020, and The Farmers (Empowerment and Protection) Agreement of Price Assurance, 2020 and Farm Services Bill, 2020—passed by the Modi government as ordinances in 2020. S.S. Jodhka (2021) in the abstract of his article, “Why are the farmers of Punjab protesting?” aptly writes that it was Punjab “where it all began and where it remains most pronounced and popular”. The farmers from Punjab were ‘Jat Sikhs’ who held the protest from the front. Farmer unions in Punjab started state-wide agitation against the bills by protesting at local chowks, railway stations, and toll plazas across the state. It continued for three months. However, as the Modi government remained unmoved and unimpressed, Punjab and Haryana farmers’ unions gave a call to all farmers for “Delhi Chalo” to move to New Delhi to protest in the national capital. On 26^th November 2020, the union members reached Delhi borders in lakhs. They vociferously demanded the repeal of these three farming bills and also demanded legal guarantee on Minimum Support Price (MSP) basically on two grounds that these laws would put the farmers at the mercy of capitalists and reduce farmers to the statute of labourers in their own land. 

However, with hoisting Nishan sahib on their tractors and bikes along with their respective farmer union flags, and the vigor with which these farmers entered the borders of New Delhi, broke the barricades, handled police harassment on 26^th Nov., 2020, the issues of their religio-cultural identity took shape. They were even misconstrued as “Khalistani” (Arora 2020). The issue of their identity even made the Prime Minister of India woo Sikh people by paying a visit to Bangla Sahib Gurdhwara on 30^th November 2020.

In the initial days of the protest, the farmers lived a few days in complete denial as the Modi government did not invite representatives for talks. Even the nine round table meetings held during December 2020–January 2021 with the government failed. Now the leadership of the protest faced the challenge to keep the protest alive for an indefinite time. It reached its crisis when they not only faced government apathy and callousness of Indian Media but also bone chilling winter nights in their path to sustain their protest. However, it didn’t weaken their spirit; rather they collectively decided to stay in Delhi borders as long as their demands were not met. But that was not easy. In spite of initial sense of deep anxiety among the protesters regarding their future, they stood their ground and kept their heads high. Even more challenging was to endure winters on their bodies. The protest caught attention of the world as the farmers started making makeshift houses on the borders of New Delhi. Before I go ahead and discuss the role of Sikh memory in the protest, let’s understand what constitutes the collective memory of Sikhs. 

The notion of ‘collective memory’ was first given by Maurice Halbwach (1950) in his book The Collective Memory. He is credited with studying memory as a social phenomenon which is created through social interaction and communication. Halbwach (1950, 14) writes that even the most personal memories are conditioned by social interactions. Therefore, the identity of the individual depends upon this memory (1950, 151). However, it is Jan and Aleida Assmann who take off from here and attempt to see collective memory from the cultural perspective, in other words, collective memory as an institutionalised form by a collective. With this, they attempt to see how societies ensure the “survival of the type” (Assman and Czaplicka 1995, 125) and “consistency in human nature through generations” (1995, 126). Different societies devise ways to sustain memory through different generations. Their notion of cultural memory is a materialised and objectified memory in the form of books, pictures, sculptures, films etc. that exudes vital meanings from the perspective of a collective. It can be a symbol, text, picture, sculpture, building, monument, souvenir or anything that liquefies the crystallized meanings associated with it. It is a specialised storehouse of knowledge from which the collective gets to know who they are and how they construct their world view. 

“Cultural Memory has its fixed point: its horizon does not change with the passing of time. These fixed points are fateful events of the past, whose memory is maintained through cultural formation (texts, rites and monuments) and institutional communication (recitation, practice and observance)” (1995, 129)

Most of these “fixed points” are often some traumatic struggles in the distant past which a collective lived or fought for their survival. Remembrance of Holocaust by the Jews, and remembrance of Sikh – Mughal confrontations or battles are some of the examples of cultural memory that have been institutionalised by the respective cultures.

Sikhs, right from the beginning, have been in the process of cultural formation preserving what they collectively hold dear. The society has institutionalised the memory of their Gurus, sacred places associated with them, the sacred book, and code of conducts associated with Sikhism as a way of life. Establishing gurdwaras, community kitchens, Ardas, etc are part of this formation to ensure consistency in Sikh collective nature. Sikh memory is a store of knowledge in form of texts, rites, monuments, recitation, practice and observance etc., which have provided a sense of peculiarity and unity to Sikhs. Gurbhagat Singh and Deepinderjeet Randhawa (2009), in their seminal work, “Sikh Memory: Its Distinction and Contribution to Humankind” have studied the different aspects of this memory. Finding the earliest evolution of Sikh memory in Guru Nanak, and further additions consecutively by the last nine Gurus, the scholars stress the idea that “Bani is responsible for the survival of the Sikhs as a distinct people with their own literature and thought despite numerous moment of annihilating threats in the short history of five hundred years” (2009, 40). Sikh institutionalised symbols like Nishan Sahib have also inspired the Sikh warriors to keep united and to fight for the freedom of thought, and to establish the Khalsa Raj in the 18^th century. Institutionalised collective memory of encounters between Guru Gobind Singh’s army and the Mughal Army in Anandpur Sahib in 1704, sacrifices of His four sons has taught the collective to never bow down to intolerance and injustice.

Believing in Ek Onkar as Revealed Guru in The Guru Granth Sahib and locating trauma as Vismadic /wondrous God’ Hukam/ Will in the Bani, following Sikh Rehat Maryada- Sikh code of conduct, saying Sikh Ardas/Prayer, Sikh religious calendar full of gurprubs and martyrdom days of Gurus and other great Sikh warriors are some of objectified memories that Sikhs have embodied individually and collectively. These memories embodied by Sikhs have kept them conscious of their rich past and its peculiarity in their lives. These memorials, institutions, code of conducts have taught them to remain in optimum optimism whenever Sikhs as collective have gone through “hegemonizing and even annihilating torture” (Singh and Randhawa 2009, 25). They write: 

“The Sikh memory has been a continuous negotiation and re-negotiation while resisting coercive forces…. it is mediated by the equality of cultures/ faiths and remain ready to protect its identity against hegemony.” (Singh and Randhawa 2009, 109)

 Sikh Ardas first started by Guru Gobind Singh, is an example in Sikh memory formation that has further cemented the collective self image as people who always pray for Sarbat Da Bhala/ wellbeing of all regardless of caste, creed and race; and yet know the responsibility to defend their faith and identity. Ritualistic remembrance of traumatic events that surround the sacrifices of Gurus and their family members has taught the collective to stand fearless in the time of oppression and to raise voice against the injustice. Most of these memories belong to those times when Sikhs fought against their marginalization by the central forces in India and Abroad in the 18th century and before.

As far as above mentioned figures of Sikh Memory are concerned, here is ample evidence in the form of pictures found in the News Media and official facebook page of Kistan Ekta Morcha. Below are some of the pictures of farmers’ protest sites taken from different media.

Figure 2 shows a picture of people reciting the Bani and singing hymns from Guru Granth Sahib during the protest. Figure 3 shows protesters taking part in Nagar Kirtan on the birth anniversary of Guru Gobind Singh. Figure 4 shows people carrying Nishan Sahib at the protest Sites. The pictures demonstrate the role institutionalised memory in the form of Gurbani, embodied practice of Vand Shakan/ “Eating by Sharing” in the form of community kitchens, and important Sikh days at the protest sites played to keep farmers inspired and spiritually strong. This evidence points out that the Bani played a significant role for farmers who went through deep anxieties in the initial four months. Establishment of a temporary Gurdhwara at Singhu Border protest site is the evidence. The Nishan Sahib and community kitchens helped in keeping all unions united, and to get them going on a daily basis. By practicing the tradition of ‘selflessness’ and ‘sharing’ promoted by their Gurus, farmers created a site of abundance with respect to food and shelter, (including spiritual shelter in the form of a gurdwara) at the protest sites, encouraging people to come and contribute with their physical presence. 

Importantly, the resistance against the farming Bills made the memory of Sikh figures from the 18th and 19^th centuries alive when Sikhs as a collective had to face the hegemonic forces in the form of Mughals and Afghans. This includes the memory of Guru Gobind Singh and His sons who had stood their ground by protecting their faith in 1704. A picture published in the Indian Express dated 12 Jan., 2021 showed a museum on wheel displaying some glimpses of Sikh Past at Singhu Border (including sculptures showing younger sons of the Guru being walled alive). Such attempts of making Sikh memory alive is to spread awareness among the younger generation and others about Sikh people’s bravery and actions in the past. 

The pictures below taken from Facebook page of Kisan Ekta Morcha show that Hari Singh Nalwa – a prominent Sikh figure from 18^th century who had helped established Sikh Empire by protecting Punjab upto Khyber Pass – became another Sikh figure from the past from whom the farmers got inspiration. It shows a wall painted with the line which reads in English “we are from lineage of Nalwa, we are the protectors of our future generations” (Fig.4). All these pictures suggest that farmers asserted their identity through their Sikh past. 

Memory of these figures contemporized by the farmers suggests the role farmers realised they would have to assume in the bigger scheme of things in the critical situation risen before them in the light of the new farming Bills. Jan Assmann writes, “Cultural memory is characterised by sharp distinction made between those who belong and those who do not, i.e. between what appertains to oneself and what is foreign” (1995, 130). Memory helped them recognise who they are and how they needed to behave. Recognising this, they presented themselves as protectors of their agrarian state – Punjab. With the memory of the collective past, Punjab farmers found a model to deal with their present situation, and in keeping their identity consistent with the past, chose to stand firmly on their ground against the three farming bills. These memories seemed to have filled them with courage and to have strengthened their resolve to stand tall ‘come what may’, otherwise a farmer would not have held a placard with “We will either win or we will die” (Fig.6) written on it. Remembrance of Hari Singh Nalwa, and four sons of Guru Gobind Singh re-produced their self image as brave people who would never leave their ground when oppressive forces attacked them both physically and ideologically. It was this bravery that was much needed to keep the protest during the crucial months of November 2020 to February 2021. 

Cultural memory of Thanda Burj – “Cold Tower” – in Sikh society brought another dimension to the spiritual support and encouragement in the farmers. Every year, December month known as Poh da Mahina in Punjab is commemorated as month of mourning for Sikhs as the tenth Guru had sacrificed the lives of his four sons and mother for The Khalsa. The Sabhas are organized in the Fateharh Sahib in Punjab where Wajir Khan had kept his mother and his sons in cold tower as prisoners in 1704. Sikhs visit the place in lakhs to pay their obeisance. Figure 7 below demonstrates that this remembrance of Thanda Burj must have provided them enough passions and spiritual boost to get through the months under the sky without any shelter. In the Fig. 8, a poster hanging from a tractor in the protest site reads “those people can’t be intimidated by the water cannons, who always remember the history of Thanda Burj”. By invoking this Sikh memory, the farmers proved themselves as tough people not to be messed with – the people who would never go back empty handed. They would either get their rights or they would die for it. The figure 9 shows posters reading “we will struggle, endure / have won earlier/ will win this time” pasted on a tractor of a protester.

The undaunted presence of Sikh farmers at the borders of Delhi further inspired people to join. The figures and events from Sikh memory emboldened their protest as these mitigated the anxieties of people and motivated them to march to Delhi in huge numbers. It sent a message to the society as well as the Government that like in past times, this time also people of Punjab would refuse to be the victims. Watching the dare of the Sikh farmers and their will power, farmers started coming from more states like Rajasthan and Uttar Pradesh in huge numbers in December-January.

Apart from getting huge support from outside Punjab, farmers achieved another milestone through Sikh memory i.e. it redefined their relationship with the younger generation in Punjab. By invoking Sikh past, they left an emotional compulsion for every Sikh and Punjabi to support the protest. It worked to awaken a consciousness of cultural peculiarity in the youngsters and prepared them for the long struggle. Remembrance made the presence of the younger generation in the protest a matter of their responsibility (Fig.10) and to die fighting for their rights a matter of pride. This set an emotional wave in Punjab and people from all walks of life started giving their support to the protest. 

Remembrance of past treasons of Central political forces against Sikhs worked to justify present distrust over Farming Bills. Whereas farmers saw themselves as protectors of the future, this perspective presented Delhi as a seat of political oppression and injustice. Lyrics of the song ‘Pecha’ dedicated to farmers by Harf Cheema and Kanwar Grewal (2020) released on YouTube on 21st November 2020 explored Sikh past confrontations with Delhi rulers to justify present sense of distrust among farmers. It inspired the farmer to get courage and to join the protest so that hegemony of the central government could be duly answered. 

Punjabi Song:

Naal tere punjab saya
Te naa di aadi delhi di
Kaliya niti karde laagu
Ho niyat maddi delhi di
Ho tere gal tak pohch gai
Ye aoun kuhadi delhi di
Ho teriya khud kushiya to
Kahnu bajdi taadi delhi di
Kich le jatta khich tyaari pecha pai gya center nal
Khich le jatta khich tyaari pecha pai gya center nal
khichla jatta khich tyaari ho…
aj haar gey ta ki kahan giyan, oun walian naslan sanu…

(Cheema and Grewal “Pecha”, 2020)

English Translation:

 (“Oh Punjab Singh! Delhi was never your true friend/ they have been making black laws for you/ their intentions are always bad/Now such is their dare/ that the axe used by Delhi has reached your neck/ Know! why Delhi clap when your sons commit suicides./ Get ready, now you are in confrontation with the Center…. if we lose today, what will we say to our progeny…”)

(My translation of the song)

The impact of such indirect references from history where Sikhs had not surrendered to the Central political forces in Delhi could be seen in almost every Punjabi heart. Below are some of the pictures that demonstrate the impact of Sikh memory on Farmers Protest. Result, tractor rally on 26^th January 2021 set a record presence of people in the protest. 

Rajvir Jawanda’ song “Sun Dilliye”(2020) released on 2^nd December 2020 on YouTube, when mobilization of farmers from Punjab and Haryana towards Delhi was in the process of attaining its peak, stirred the same Sikh imagination. 

Punjabi Song:

aunde aje v 84 wale khaab ni
tere pehle v chuka k jane hisaab ni
tere seh k julam gye akk dilliye
ni lye k mudaange
mudange punjab asin hakk dilliye
ni lye k mudaange mudange punjab asin hakk dillliye

(Jawanda 2020)

English Translation: 

Even today, we have had nightmares of 1984,
We still are to teach you old lessons
We are tired of enduring your oppression, Oh Delhi!
Now we will only come back
When we get our rights back…

(My translation of the song)

Now the question arises what did the farmers achieve by contemporizing the Sikh past? All this evidence shows that farmers versus the Central Government became Sikh versus Centre issue. By referring to the historic antagonism shown by Delhi political forces towards Sikhs in the past, the protest highlighted the central government as an oppressive political force in the light of passing the three farming Bills as ordinances. As oppression by Delhi Emperor Aurangzeb had inspired many warriors like Baghel Singh and Jassa Singh Ahluwalia to capture Red Fort and hoist Sikh religious flag on it in 1783. Reference to the Sikh past justified the anger in Sikhs after the farming bills were passed and made even the more recent collective traumas alive. It included the Central government’s stand on Anandpur resolutions in 1973 in which Sikhs had demanded more autonomy to Punjab, and a demand to declare Sikhism as a separate religion; military operation by the Indira Gandhi Government on their religious place Harmandir Sahib in Amritsar in 1984; and Sikh massacre after Indira Gandhi’s assassination. Since conquering oppression and injustice in the form of Delhi is very part of Sikh consciousness, Delhi as a seat of oppression is never forgiven and forgotten. Darshan S. Tatla (2006) writes in “The Morning After: Trauma, Memory and the Sikh Predicament Since 1984”, being censored for any public memorialization of 1984, Sikhs have felt “circumcised by the Indian state’s coercion and hegemonic discourse” (Tatla 2006). By referring to the Sikh memorials, traumatic events and Sikh figures, farmers showed the past resentments of their community and with this, they not only fueled passions in the protest at the time of the crisis but also justified them.

Use of Sikh memory has proved that memory of Delhi as a metaphor of intolerance, oppression and injustice is still deep in every Sikh since Babar’s attack in 1526. Delhi is remembered as a metaphor for the ruling party’s sinister designs. The remembrance of past Sikh encounters with Delhi helped produce a sense of doubt in Punjab people over the Modi government’s intentions in bringing these Bills. It also thwarted attempts of the government in convincing the public to gather support in favour of Bills. 

In conclusion, the Sikh memory played multifaceted roles during farmers’ protest. It helped gather all support from Punjab and Haryana by convincing the public about the central government’s sinister designs by referring to the past confrontations and resentments among Sikhs. It provided a behaviour model for the farmers during the time of crisis. It made them realise their responsibility to stand firm against the bills and also inspired the farmers from other states to join. Apart from all these roles, it helped farmers educate the young generation and inspire them to participate wholeheartedly. It also brought to light that farmers saw the farming Bills as an insidious design of the central government to end their rightful claim as farmers – an identity bestowed upon them by Guru Nanak. They saw these bills as a threat to their rich heritage, their identity and survival. Remembrance of the past provided them with endurance, patience and also required courage to fight for their rights or die for it. 

Acknowledgements:

I am extremely thankful to Simranpreet Singh and Jobanjeet Singh for their help in getting me access to the Kisan Ekta Morcha Team. I am thankful to Mr. Soham Sen, a Senior Visual Journalist for The Print, the Kisan Ekta Morcha team and also the admin of the facebook page of Kisan Ekta Morcha Sirsa for giving me permission to use their pictures related to the protest. 

 Works Cited 

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