by Tarin Shultana Oli Ahmed
Memorate: Years ago, my mother woke up in a cold sweat and frantically called her brother who lived a continent away from her. I vividly recall her telling him that she had a conversation with her dead uncle in her dream. He had visited her and asked her to repair his home because it was flooded with water and he was unable to sleep peacefully. She told her brother to urgently go check her uncle’s home. Her brother, half skeptical and half believing, went to check the house for her that afternoon and found with great relief that the house was still standing, picture perfect as in a still photo – untouched. However, that afternoon, he took a detour to the graveyard, and to his surprise, he found his uncle’s grave had, in fact, been flooded. It had been like that for a few days and no one knew how it happened.
All we knew was that my mother was right. For the longest time, I believed my mother had superpowers. She is not Wonder Woman or Scarlet Witch. She can’t fly or shoot laser beams from her hands. But she just ‘knows’ things sometimes. She understands the hidden machinations of the world beyond the veil intimately and they always reveal their secrets to her. Such dreams are expected. After all, she is a descendant of a sangoma – a South African witch doctor. As a descendant of a Bungoma or Traditional Healing practitioner, she is fated to “magic”. In South Africa, magic does not only belong in storybooks. It lives with us. It surrounds us. It is us.
While harnessing the power of magic to cause changes in our physical reality is seen as an irrational and taboo practice in the Western world, it is front and center, widely accepted and practiced in South Africa mostly by the traditional Nguni societies which include the Zulu, Xhosa, Ndebele, and Swazi people of South Africa. While it is practiced by many ethnic groups in South Africa, I will discuss this topic from the perspective of the Zulu tribe – the largest Nguni ethnic group native to South Africa. Several terms are unique to the Zulu tribe. Bungoma or Traditional Healing is believed to be a form of witchcraft with a focus on divination and healing but can also occasionally be used for more malevolent purposes. Witch doctors or izangoma (plural of sangoma) in South Africa are given the same importance as “doctors” and their “muthi” (alternative herbal medicine) is used just as much, if not more, than pharmaceutical drugs. Izangoma are gifted with many psychic abilities that include communicating with the dead and with spirits, an ability to sense the energies of other people and spirits, divination through amathambo (bones), and a gift for healing. “Diviners [izangoma] are usually women who have the ability to define and treat illnesses from within the cultural context of the patient” (Karim et al. in Sodi et al. 2011, 102). Aside from healing and solving one’s problems, izangoma are typically unwitchers who are called upon to counteract the effects of witchcraft. However, we are also taught that some can be equally dangerous as witches and harm people. Essentially, they work with magic to cause changes in the physical world. My great-grandmother was a sangoma and her practices are still practiced today in my family. Typically, a sangoma passes down the torch to a member in the family. Hence, the children are always taught the practices and beliefs from a young age.
As a child, I was taught to believe in the power of muthi, talisman, dreams, and divination. My bedtime stories were not on “The Cat in the Hat” and the tooth fairy, but terrifying stories of cryptids like the shapeshifting snakes that kidnap you and whose anger brings storms. My waking life was spent carefully paying attention to signs from my ancestors, noting down my dreams, and keeping myself safe from black magic. While one may typically assume it is a rose-colored world to grow up believing in magic, it is equally painted with a lot of terror. For with such power comes misfortune and death. One is constantly trying to please the ancestors, correct past mistakes, and be wary of ill-wishers because it has always been a matter of life and death. In this paper, I will explore this belief system- mainly izangoma, their rituals, ideas, ancestors, and monsters- drawing in accounts from my family’s life which shaped my beliefs and actions, and discuss broadly the effects Traditional Healing has on South Africans. This century-old indigenous way of thinking has kept our old societies together, but are they relevant anymore in this modern age? If so, are they healthy for a population that will go to a sangoma at any inconvenience?
To understand Traditional Healing, we must first understand izangoma. “Izangoma perform a vital community function and are believed by many Zulu people to communicate messages from spirits to people, to unite visible and invisible realms, and to bring energy and health to their communities…they promote harmony- both literal, vocal harmony manifested in song, and symbolic harmony in terms of amicable and peaceful relations in society and in community life” (Thorpe in Kendall 1999, 94). In this enchanted world, izangoma not only work to rid people of their ailments but they also serve a social function. As bearers of oral knowledge and ancient wisdom, they are revered in their communities and assigned the task of cultural continuity. They are the vessels of this knowledge and those who will pass it on to preserve South Africa’s indigenous identity. They also pose as the leaders for the progress and the health of the community, its cattle, and crops. By assuming this position of power, they are able to direct the beliefs and the fears of a community, and at the same time, provide the antidote to all personal and societal ills – “If they [sangoma] say that you will get better, you will get better –this is the placebo effect in its most clear and condensed form” (Ventegodt and Kordova 2016, 478). If they say an evil is plaguing their land, that statement becomes fact. They replace newspapers, media, and politicians in their ability to direct the narrative of the society.
Their grand rituals also bring the community together. These rituals often include collective singing, drums, dances to invoke amadhlozi (ancestral spirits), and the drinking of umqombothi (sorghum malt beer) which is isiphuzo sa ba phansi (the drink of those below). “The dance has some resemblance to a hypnotic trance that results in a change in emotional expression and feeling of rejuvenation and hypersuggestibility” (Oliver in Sodi et al. 2011, 104). When in this trance-like state, heightened by the effect of umqombothi, people often feel a strong sense of unity with the universe which improves their personal mental health. Since it is also a community event, it strengthens social cohesion which promotes the well-being of the entire community. Through these core experiences, spiritual beliefs are reinforced. These experiences can be explained by Dr. Andrew Newberg’s research on core experiences where he hypothesized that unitary experiences were neurobiological in nature. He noted that the orientation association area in our brain is disrupted through repeated rhythmic motion, such as dance and prayer, and this disruption causes us to feel oneness with the universe. It causes the boundary between one and the world to blur which allows this experience to occur.
The perceived power of izangoma makes people believe in the divine which also serves as a moral compass in these communities. People do no wrong in fear of punishment by amadhlozi (ancestral spirits). “Amadhlozi means disembodied spirits, of which there are two classes- good and bad” (Garbutt 1909, 551). The good are the ancestors who guide and bless their descendants more often as opposed to the more strict and “bad” who bring misfortune and illness if they are ignored, disobeyed, or want attention. Izangoma mainly focus on worshipping amadhlozi (ancestral spirits) but also worship their deity, a princess of heaven, Nomkhubulwane. “Nomkhubulwane is a divine intombi [virgin woman] who is Zulu, female, beautiful, and powerful” (Kendall 1999, 106). Izangoma always note that the increasing crime rates in South Africa, also considered the rape capital of the world, are occurring because people do not worship Nomkhubulwane anymore and as a result, she has abandoned them – “All Zulu people interviewed who view precolonial times as a kind of paradise in which rape and many other ills did not occur, blame modernization and all its attendant ills for the change” (Kendall 1999, 112). Izangoma claim that modernization was the death of Nomkhubulwane. Notably, many South Africans in this day and age rarely know this deity because of the effects of colonization.
With the colonization of South Africa came The Father, The Son, and The Holy Spirit. To adapt to new colonial ideals, the Zulus adjusted their beliefs of the ‘higher power’ from polytheism to monotheism. This caused syncretism to occur which united these two belief systems to help Traditional Healing survive the colonization. The deity Nomkhubulwane was replaced by the God of Abraham, and as a result, “ancestor worship is independent of religion. Therefore, it is possible for an individual to practice Christianity while paying respect to the ancestors” (Bakow and Low 2018, 438). However, having dual beliefs has also fractured the structure of Zulu communities. There is a divide – some devoutly follow this indigenous way of knowing, while others who have converted to Christianity demonize this way of knowing associating it with witchcraft and Satan. Some remain torn between the two, causing a rift in their identity. Traditional Healing is deeply ingrained in the Zulu identity and when that part of their identity is shamed by the scientific rationalism of the world and demonized by a major religion that occupies its land, it causes internal conflict because their cherished values now clash with societal values. And to conform to these societal values is to sacrifice an integral part of Zulu identity to accommodate structures of whiteness.
This is another function izangoma serve – they embody the remnants of these age-old practices that helped Zulu societies thrive before colonization. Their rituals are an ode to Zulu identity, especially for women. They “perform political, cultural, and religious functions for their communities, as the restoring of rituals to Nomkhubulwane serve to strengthen identity formation among the izintombi [virgin women] to counteract internalized racism absorbed from the views of Zulu history and culture taught in the infamous Bantu schools, and to re-invigorate spiritual beliefs that are particularly likely to lead to increased female self-esteem” (Kendall 1999, 106). As a work venture, being a sangoma also allows a woman to hold a job and support herself. In our existing patriarchal structure where a woman’s value lies in her homemaking and caretaking ability, bungoma is the “only way an outstanding woman can win general social prestige” (Gluckmann in Kendall 1999, 113). By exchanging her services for fees, she enters the workforce. Hence, bungoma also helps empower Zulu women – a way for them to gain agency in their own lives and assume positions of authority. Izangoma embody freedom and are essentially “what Clarissa Estes (1992) calls ‘wild women,’ people in touch with their intuitional natures.” (Kendall 1999, 108). At its core, bungoma is an act of feminism – one that teaches young South African girls that women are powerful enough to reach such heights. Izangoma never choose this path. Bungoma chooses them. This calling is called ukuthwasa and it is often when a person starts to experience illness. These symptoms mimic mental disorders such as hallucinations, social withdrawal, irritability, and loss of appetite. If they ignore the calling, they may even start to experience misfortune in their lives, such as the loss of a house or job. “The calling emanates from the deceased ancestors, typically in the form of a dream or a vision… [and] in contrast, those thwasa [person who has the calling] who ignore or deny the ancestral calling may become ill or possessed” (Laher in Bakow and Low 2018, 438). Thus, the thwasa must seek a sangoma to train under, and after months of training, they graduate through a final ritual – a test.
This ritualistic ceremony typically takes place around an audience of other izangoma and normal people from the community. A goat that has been fed muthi (herbal medicine) is slaughtered above the thwasa and they drink the blood as it pours down. The thwasa then drinks intwaso (a mixture of water and herbs) and must vomit the blood of the goat to prove they are ‘pure of sin’ and worthy. “To ‘eat’ intwaso (kudla ntwaso) is to inherit the tradition (also expressed by the verb ‘to eat’), to carry it on by embodying it” (Thornton 2017, 108). If one succeeds, he must then eat eight pieces of meat from the goat and vomit seven pieces, leaving one to become part of his soul. The gallbladder of the slaughtered goat is then hidden and the thwasa must then look for it by using the help of his ancestors. At the completion of all these tests, you now have a sangoma. According to Stanley J. Tambiah, magic works as a performative technology since it can function like art – a theatrical ritual performance. In this scene, you have symbolism, archetypes, and actors working harmoniously to create a performance that will always live in the psyche of its audience. This performance impacts the cultural symbols and stories they see the world through. And it is through this performance, we understand another shade of a sangoma – It is only those who have an intimate connection to pain who understand the path to healing. They understand how to transmute energy, and it is also for their suffering and their strength that they are revered. They have earned their position.
While izangoma are typically unwitchers who are tasked with undoing witchcraft, there is another category of ‘deviant’ izangoma who also practice witchcraft. This is where bungoma becomes tainted. In my family, there have been multiple instances where a family member’s death was caused by witchcraft. One account was the sudden death of my great-grandfather at the hands of my granduncle and his wife, who both later also suddenly passed away because they were supposedly unable to pay their “blood” debt to a witch. I will use the word “witch” here to denote the deviant sangoma who causes harm. They are said to use cryptids to do their bidding. In Zulu culture, there is a myth of a shapeshifting seven-headed snake who kidnaps people to make them their slaves or teach them bungoma. “Certain magicians (herbalists) are able to mystically trap these beings through obtaining part of their flesh and using contagious magic to compel them to enter into an individual exchange pact whereby they, or their clients, can gain rapid and enormous wealth…usually in exchange for the life of a close kin member” (Bernard in Hurn 2016, 147). These snakes are said to bring in wealth and fortune which attracts a lot of desperate people. But this seemingly quick way to wealth soon takes a dark turn when years down the line, the witch asks for a human sacrifice instead of an animal.
Witches killing people for making muthi or quick money is not uncommon in Zulu culture. There are cases of “killings of primarily children and young people, who were suspected to have been killed by people helping the Sangomas in ritual Muthi (or Muti) killings…. [whose organs are used for] harvesting the necessary ingredients for their magical brews” (Ventegodt and Kordova 2016, 477-78). Witches also kill enemies of their clients “by secretly mixing poison with the porridge eaten, or beer drunk, by the person whose life is sought” (Garbutt 533). These witches and their clients whose greed for money, power, and control blinds them then harm the community and taint the use of magic. They create insecurities and fear within South Africans to the point where a lot of people don’t even fully trust family members. People are skeptical of eating food given by neighbours and this constant suspicion then enters the cultural climate.
Izangoma who are meant to heal are then reduced to those who harm. This weakens the trust between izangoma and the community they serve, and their influence over the social fabric loses its validity. However, izangoma also “believe that should they malpractice, their power to heal will be withdrawn by the ancestral spirits” (Sodi in Sodi et al. 2011, 104). Aside from the horror stories of the witches, many Zulu people, including my family members, will avoid seeking medical help even when it clearly cannot be healed by muthi (herbal medicine) or imbiza (boiled herbs). This was also the case with my grandfather who died fairly young because he only used muthi to heal an illness whose symptoms were similar to those of gastrointestinal diseases. Other South Africans even try to cure HIV/AIDS with muthi but with no success. This poses a serious threat because people who could have been healed then die of “unknown” causes that are sometimes attributed to bewitching. Traditional Healing then becomes unreliable and dysfunctional.
Despite its flaws, Bungoma or Traditional Healing remains a dominant belief in South Africa. Bungoma is an example of Cultural Source Hypothesis whereby people have these experiences because of the pre-existing beliefs of the culture they were born into. Although, I would argue that these beliefs persisting in modern South Africa can be explained by the Experiential Source Hypothesis by David J. Hufford. These beliefs are a result of and persist because of core experiences. In this case, it is the instances where the sangoma experiences extrasensory perception, how Zulus like my mother dream and “contact” the dead, and the overall sense of unity and empowerment the rituals bring about. As a result, you have a culture that dominantly works on participatory ways of knowing.
People share an enchanted view of the world where nature cares for its inhabitants and amadhlozi guide us to a brighter tomorrow. They experience the world through these sacred narratives which have always explained to them their fears, their desires, their bodies, their world, and their soul. From medicine to guidance to female empowerment, bungoma created the backbone of South African indigenous societies. Even now, it continues to provide South Africans with “patient-centred individualized health care that is culturally appropriate” (Sodi in Sodi et al. 2011, 104). Healthcare is not only for physical illnesses but also for the illnesses of the soul and it seeks to heal them in natural ways through a healthy lifestyle that incorporates community. Even if the causes are thought to be bewitchment, the healing magic always cured its people. This more holistic approach to healing can supplement modern medicine which solely follows the medical model whereby every issue is biological. By also adopting an ability to switch from a participatory mindset to critical thinking, South Africans can also evaluate these beliefs objectively, and understand the dangers that come with bungoma. Thus, with the marriage of rationalism and enchantment, Traditional Healing can continue to bring magic, community, and healing into the heart of South Africa.
